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Judge Terry was still a thorny problem to handle. After all, he was a Judge
of the Supreme Court. At first his attitude was one of apparent humility, but as
time went on he regained his arrogant attitude and from his cell issued
defiances to his captors. He was aided and abetted by his high-spirited wife,
and in many ways caused the members of the Committee a great deal of trouble. If
Hopkins were to die, they could do no less than hang Terry in common consistency
and justice. But they realized fully that in executing a Justice of the Supreme
Court they would be wading into pretty deep water. The state and federal
authorities were inclined to leave them alone and let them work out the
manifestly desirable reform, but it might be that such an act would force
official interference. As one member of the Committee expressed it, "They had
gone gunning for ferrets and had coralled a grizzly." Nevertheless Terry was
indicted before the Committee on the following counts, a statement of which
gives probably as good a bird's eye view of Terry as numerous pages of personal
description:
Resisting with violence the officers of the Vigilance Committee while in the
discharge of their duties.
Committing an assault with a deadly weapon with intent to kill Sterling A.
Hopkins on June 21, 1856.
Various breaches of the peace and attacks upon citizens while in the discharge
of their duties, specified as follows:
1. Resistance in 1853 to a writ of habeas corpus on account of which one Roach
escaped from the custody of the law, and the infant heirs of the Sanchez family
were defrauded of their rights.
2. An attack in 1853 on a citizen of Stockton named Evans.
3. An attack in 1853 on a citizen in San Francisco named Purdy.
4. An attack at a charter election on a citizen of Stockton named King.
5. An attack in the court house of Stockton on a citizen named Broadhouse.
Before Terry's case came to trial it was known that Hopkins was not fatally
wounded. Terry's confidence immediately rose. Heretofore he had been somewhat,
but not much, humbled. Now his haughty spirit blazed forth as strongly as ever.
He was tried in due course, and was found guilty on the first charge and on one
of the minor charges. On the accusation of assault with intent to kill, the
Committee deliberated a few days, and ended by declaring him guilty of simple
assault. He was discharged and told to leave the State. But, for some reason or
other, the order was not enforced.
Undoubtedly he owed his discharge in this form to the evident fact that the
Committee did not know what to do with him. Terry at once took the boat for
Sacramento, where for some time he remained in comparative retirement. Later he
emerged in his old role, and ended his life by being killed at the hands of an
armed guard of Justice Stephen Field whom Terry assaulted without giving Field a
chance to defend himself.
While these events were going forward, the Committee had convicted and hanged
two other men, Hetherington and Brace. In both instances the charge was murder
of the most dastardly kind. The trials were conducted with due regard to the
forms of law and justice, and the men were executed in an orderly fashion. These
executions would not be remarkable in any way, were it not for the fact that
they rounded out the complete tale of executions by the Vigilance Committee.
Four men only were hanged in all the time the Committee held its sway.
Nevertheless the manner of the executions and the spirit that actuated all the
officers of the organization sufficed to bring about a complete reformation in
the administration of justice.
About this time also the danger began to manifest itself that some of the less
conscientious and, indeed, less important members of the Committee might attempt
through political means to make capital of their connections. A rule was passed
that no member of the Committee of Vigilance should be allowed to hold political
office. Shortly after this decision, William Rabe was suspended for "having
attempted to introduce politics into this body and for attempting to overawe the
Executive Committee."
After the execution of the two men mentioned, the interesting trial of Durkee
for piracy, the settlement by purchase of certain private claims against city
land, and the deportation of a number of undesirable citizens, the active work
of the Committee was practically over. It held complete power and had also
gained the confidence of probably nine-tenths of the population. Even some of
the erstwhile members of the Law and Order party, who had adhered to the forms
of legality through principle, had now either ceased opposition, or had come
over openly to the side of the Committee. Another date of adjournment was
decided upon. The gunnybag barricades were taken down on the fourteenth of
August. On the sixteenth, the rooms of the building were ordered thrown open to
all members of the Committee, their friends, their families, for a grand
reception on the following week. It was determined then not to disorganize but
to adjourn sine die. The organization was still to be held, and the members were
to keep themselves ready whenever the need should arise. But preparatory to
adjournment it was decided to hold a grand military review on the eighteenth of
August. This was to leave a final impression upon the public mind of the numbers
and powder of the Committee.
The parade fulfilled its function admirably. The Grand Marshal and his staff
led, followed by the President and the Military Commanding General with his
staff. Then marched four companies of artillery with fifteen mounted cannon. In
their rear was a float representing Fort Gunnybags with imitation cannon. Next
came the Executive Committee mounted, riding three abreast; then cavalry
companies and the medical staff, which consisted of some fifty physicians of the
town. Representatives of the Vigilance Committee of 1851 followed in wagons with
a banner; then four regiments of infantry, more cavalry, citizen guards, pistol
men, Vigilante police. Over six thousand men were that day in line, all
disciplined, all devoted, all actuated by the highest motives, and conscious of
a job well done.
The public reception at Fort Gunnybags was also well attended. Every one was
curious to see the interior arrangement. The principal entrance was from
Sacramento Street and there was also a private passage from another street. The
doorkeeper's box was prominently to the front where each one entering had to
give the pass-word. He then proceeded up the stairs to the floor above. The
first floor was the armory and drill-room. Around the sides were displayed the
artillery harness, the flags, bulletin-boards, and all the smaller arms. On one
side was a lunch stand where coffee and other refreshments were dispensed to
those on guard. On the opposite side were offices for every conceivable
activity. An immense emblematic eye painted on the southeast corner of the room
glared down on each as he entered. The front of the second floor was also a
guard-room, armory, and drilling floor. Here also was painted the eye of
Vigilance, and here was exhibited the famous ballot-box whose sides could
separate the good ballots from the bad ballots. Here also were the meeting-rooms
for the Executive Committee and a number of cells for the prisoners. The
police-office displayed many handcuffs, tools of captured criminals, relics,
clothing with bullet holes, ropes used for hanging, bowie-knives, burglar's
tools, brass knuckles, and all the other curiosities peculiar to criminal
activities. The third story of the building had become the armorer's shop, and
the hospital. Eight or ten workmen were employed in the former and six to twenty
cots were maintained in the latter. Above all, on the roof, supported by a
strong scaffolding, hung the Monumental bell whose tolling summoned the
Vigilantes when need arose.
Altogether the visitors must have been greatly impressed, not only with the
strength of the organization, but also with the care used in preparing it for
every emergency, the perfection of its discipline, and the completeness of its
equipment. When the Committee of Vigilance of 1856 adjourned subject to further
call, there must have been in most men's minds the feeling that such a call
could not again arise for years to come.
Yet it was not so much the punishment meted out to evil-doers that measures the
success of the Vigilante movement. Only four villains were hanged; not more than
thirty were banished. But the effect was the same as though four hundred had
been executed. It is significant that not less than eight hundred went into
voluntary exile.
"What has become of your Vigilance Committee?" asked a stranger naively, some
years later.
"Toll the bell, sir, and you'll see," was the reply[8].
[8: Bancroft, Popular Tribunals, 11, 695.]
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